Friday, September 19, 2014

Security Council Debate on the Situation in Afghanistan

ztanin_20_03_2009.jpg Statement of H.E. Dr. Zahir Tanin
Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
to the United Nations
At the Security Council Debate on the Situation in Afghanistan

Allow me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your assumption of the Presidency of this Council for the month of March, and thank you for holding this debate. I would also like to thank the Secretary General for his latest report on the situation in Afghanistan. In addition, I am grateful to my friend Mr. Kai Eide for his statement here today, and for his leadership of UNAMA’s work for Afghanistan.

Mr. President,
The Security Council is discussing Afghanistan at a defining moment. In two days, the people of Afghanistan will celebrate our New Year. So we begin today from a new perspective of hope.
The preparation for our Presidential and provincial elections provides the chance to strengthen legitimacy and national unity. The continuing and troubling insecurity in parts of the country threatens those objectives but also gives us a clear goal in the coming months. There has been a welcome increase in international focus on Afghanistan. Afghans are pleased to note the many recent strategic reviews and recommendations, including the upcoming conference in The Hague on 31 March. We hope this new spirit of engagement will help us proceed in a constructive, unified and coordinated way.

Mr. President,
The international community should join Afghanistan in this spirit.
In the last eight years, Afghanistan has made progress. We can continue to progress. Afghans are fully invested in a legitimate, inclusive democratic process, and we see this in the strong engagement in national debate surrounding the upcoming elections. Afghans want to ensure that their country’s future is a continuation of the peaceful modernization that began in the early 20th century.
Afghans are eager to work with the international community to eliminate the threat of the Taliban, al-Qaeda, and other terrorist groups. The Taliban is not an organic part of Afghan society. It is a product of violence, cross-border madrassas and foreign indoctrination that disrupted our stable society. Today, a mere 4% of Afghans want to see the Taliban in power.
The international community should also be encouraged by the reminder that Afghans supported the US-led intervention in 2001. Afghans welcomed the defeat of the terrorists and extremists who had invaded and corrupted our homeland. As long as the international forces provide safety, security, and the promise of a democratic future, Afghans will continue to be staunch allies.

But Mr. President,
Afghans are simultaneously driven by urgency to keep the dark days securely behind us. The devastation of the Taliban is a constant reminder of the effects of neglecting the destruction of war. The greatest blunder of our time is forgetting that the ruins of war breed angry, desperate and radicalized people.
The world has an obligation to act so that the Taliban and al-Qaeda do not return to power. This obligation is both moral and practical. Morally, the horrific abuse of civilians anywhere, particularly of children and women, is a threat to freedom everywhere. Practically, terrorism knows no border. Attacks by the same groups in New York, London, Mumbai, and Kabul show that the threat in Afghanistan is, indeed, a global threat. Global action is the answer to global threat.

Mr. President,
Afghans have seen the significance of our partnership with the international community. Our biggest accomplishments-our constitution, the elections, the improvements in the Afghan National Army, infrastructure, education, and health-are the projects that have received the strongest international commitment. International dedication bears fruit.
But we have only begun. In the areas where Afghans received less international attention-the Afghan National Police, governance, corruption, judiciary reform-we have not achieved all we should. After the Bonn Conference in 2001, the international community’s “light footprint” approach brought minimal engagement in Afghanistan. We have only recently re-focused so we cannot expect results immediately. It takes time to build a stable, prosperous, democratic society after more than 30 years of war. Progress is a process, completed only over time.
Thus we must stay the course. There is still important work to be done.

Mr. President,
This work should focus on the priority of a self-sustaining, functioning state that serves Afghans. For a functioning state is the strongest bulwark against terrorism. Only a democratic, stable Afghanistan stops terror and destruction. Democracy should be strengthened, not weakened.
In strengthening the Afghan state, we must have a comprehensive strategy. Today, I would like to highlight a few areas of focus.
First, we should ensure that there are free, fair, and transparent elections in August. This process should encourage a protective, inclusive debate that strengthens the legitimacy of the institutions we have already created through the Bonn process.
Second, Afghan ownership must continue to be the lynchpin of international efforts. We understand that the ultimate responsibility for our country lies in our own hands. We will do our own work.
Therefore economic development should continue to be implemented through the framework of the Afghan National Development Strategy and the Paris priorities. We must ensure that aid and expertise is available promptly and delivered effectively, efficiently and transparently. Every penny in Afghanistan should be delivered to Afghans.
We should also continue to build the Afghan army and police so that Afghans take a stronger role in the fight on terror. There should be greater Afghan oversight over joint operations with our international partners, and an increased focus on preventing civilian casualties.
We want to stress, too, that reconciliation can take place only under the leadership of the Afghan government. The Government of Afghanistan recognizes the importance of a political solution. We negotiate with those elements of the Taliban who are willing to be reconciled. But any talks must be held with full respect for the Constitution of Afghanistan, and must be conducted from a position of strength.
Third, Afghans appreciate the new regional focus on our challenges that protects the sovereignty of our state. We welcome the new trilateral US/Afghanistan/Pakistan process that started recently in Washington DC, and we look forward to a future of increased cooperation. Our neighbors will be the first to benefit from a stable Afghanistan: decreased refugees, decreased narcotics, increased trade.

Mr. President,
Today, Afghans hope this august council will continue its efforts, newly developed and re-focused, to help us regain our footing after decades of war. Afghans still look with great hope to the international community and fully approves the extension of UNAMA’s mandate in support of the Government of Afghanistan.
Despite the continued challenges of terrorism and violence, despite the critics, despite the resignation, despite the doubts– we know our better history. Afghanistan began its journey towards modernization in the 1900s. Our first constitution in 1924 made a modern education available for all. By the 1960s, we guaranteed equal rights for men and women. Afghans then survived and persevered through three decades of foreign intervention, a bloody civil war and the brutal rule of the Taliban. If we can do all of this, we can succeed in Afghanistan today. For Afghanistan has been, can be, and will be again, a peaceful, democratic crossroads in our region and a contributing member of the world community.
We start the New Year in this spirit of hope.

Thank you Mr. President.

Karzai: Afghanistan is not a puppet state

President Hamid Karzai warned the international community Wednesday to avoid meddling in governing Afghanistan as the country prepares to go to the polls to elect a new president later this year.

Speaking alongside NATO’s secretary-general, Karzai told a news conference in Kabul that his government’s foreign partners should respect and honor his country’s independence.

“Afghanistan … will never be a puppet state,” Karzai said.

karzai_interview.jpg Karzai faces re-election in August, at a time when the country is embroiled in a vicious Taliban-led insurgency, and the performance of his government has been criticized by the incoming President Barack Obama’s administration and other Western capitals as inefficient and corrupt.

As the new U.S. administration shifts the focus from the Iraq war to Afghanistan, Obama has also ordered a review of America’s strategy in the region. The results of the review are expected later this month.

In response to a deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan, Obama has also ordered thousands of new troops to the country’s south _ the Taliban’s heartland _ this year and his administration has urged other NATO allies to do more.

Karzai said that he appreciates the work that the U.S. and other members of the international community have done so far in the fight against terrorism and the reconstruction of the country.

Karzai said that some in the international community are proposing that the power of the central government should be weakened, without explaining who are those behind such an idea.

“That is not their job,” Karzai said.

“The issue of governance and the creation of (a mechanism for) good governance is the work of the Afghan people,” Karzai said.

Karzai was responding to a question from an Afghan journalist who suggested that international forces operating in the provinces were trying to directly support local leaders there.

Zalmay Khalilzad, a former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Afghanistan and Iraq, recently told The New York Times that he had warned the Obama administration that any attempts to focus on local areas at the expense of the central government risked being “regarded as hostile policy.”

“Some will regard it as an effort to break up the Afghan state, which would be regarded as hostile policy,” Khalilzad, who is an Afghan-American, told the newspaper in January.

Sticking to a populist tone Karzai said that the international community can only do its job with Afghan people’s support.

“With Afghanistan there should be respect and honor, and we will also respect and honor our allies,” Karzai said. “Afghanistan now is the owner of its land and nobody can disrupt our country,” he said.

A reminder of the conflict happened earlier in the day when a roadside blast in the capital hit a civilian vehicle, wounding three people.

The bomb went off as the vehicle passed a gas station in western Kabul, the Interior Ministry said, without providing further details.

Taliban militants regularly use roadside bombs to attack Afghan and foreign troops in the country but the majority of the victims are civilians.

KABUL (AP)

FISNIK ABRASHI ASSOCIATED PRESS

Touting religion, grabbing land

LONDON: The demonstrations across Pakistan last week that forced President Asif Ali Zardari to reinstate the nation’s former chief justice, following the attack by militants on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore, were simply the latest phase in the broad destabilization of the country.

This was hardly to have been anticipated 18 months ago, when I flew to Islamabad with Nawaz Sharif, the former prime minister. At that time, the prospects were good: Mr. Sharif had made an agreement with his main rival, Benazir Bhutto, to return the country to democracy. “I am not afraid,” Mr. Sharif told me. “I am going home after seven years. My primary concern is to put an end to the curse of dictatorship and give some relief to the people of Pakistan.”

After we landed in Islamabad, I had dinner with the family of my brother-in-law, Sana Ullah. Sana’s family comes from the Swat Valley, a religiously conservative and beautiful region in the north known as the Switzerland of Pakistan. It is, or was, a prosperous holiday destination, attracting tourists from places like Japan because of its ancient Buddhist heritage, and it was where Pakistani film makers would go to shoot movies in a romantic mountain setting.

But the stories I heard that evening were full of foreboding. The Swat Barbers’ Federation had just forbidden “English-style haircuts” and the shaving of beards. Strange visitors — possibly Uzbeks — were engaged in military training in the forests. A teenage boy told me, almost in passing, that his female cousin’s school had been blown up.

Today the political situation is very different: Ms. Bhutto was killed in a suicide attack in December 2007, Mr. Sharif has been banned from public office, and Swat has become a killing field.

The region has been handed over to the Pakistani Taliban in a foolish bargain made on behalf of Mr. Zardari’s government. Like most violent revolutionary movements, the Taliban use social injustice and a half-understood philosophy as an excuse to grab land and power. Houses and property have been taken over, and the Taliban have announced that people should pay 40 percent of their rent to their landlords and 60 percent to “jihad.”

In the district capital, Mingora, decapitated corpses were dangled from lampposts with notices pinned to them stating the “un-Islamic” action that merited death. At least 185 schools, most for girls, have been closed. Government officials, journalists and security troops have had their throats slit. Little wonder that most of my brother-in-law’s family has fled, along with 400,000 others.

What many Westerners fail to understand is that the Swat Valley is not one of Pakistan’s wild border areas. It is only 100 miles from Islamabad. In the words of Shaheen Sardar Ali, a cousin of Sana’s who is a law professor at Warwick University in England and was the first female cabinet minister in the government of North-West Frontier Province, “Swat is not somewhere you could ever see as being a breeding ground for extremism.” She remembers going to school unveiled as a child in the 1960s and studying alongside boys. But today, any girl who goes to school is risking her life.

Shariah law has been imposed, allowing elderly clerics to dictate the daily lives of the Swati people. President Zardari’s foreign minister, Shah Mehmood Qureshi, describes this as “a local solution to a local problem,” but the deal with the Taliban represents the most serious blow to the country’s territorial integrity since the civil war of 1971, when the land that became Bangladesh was given up.

When territory is surrendered in this way, it is very difficult for the state to recover it. The central premise behind the war on terrorism was that extremist groups should not be allowed sanctuaries from which to threaten the rest of the world. In that context, the loss of Swat offers the Taliban and other extremist groups a template for the future.

Pakistan’s slide toward anarchy is similar to the conditions in Afghanistan in the 1990s: it was easier then for the Afghan elite to pretend that the political situation was likely to improve than to face the truth and do something about it. The bickering factions in Kabul allowed the Taliban to take control of large areas of southern Afghanistan, refusing to see that this would only embolden the Islamists to march on the capital.

Similarly, millenarian Islamists are now seeking to destroy Pakistan as a nation-state, and realize that they have won a strategic victory in Swat. President Obama’s hope of weaning “moderate” elements in Afghanistan and Pakistan away from violence, as happened with Sunni militants in Iraq, is stymied by the fact the Pakistani Taliban know they are winning. Making a deal with them now is appeasement.

Worse, the Islamabad government has gained nothing from it. The Lahore shootings showed how fragile the security situation remains. Radical Sunni groups are more powerful than ever in the Punjab.

The Pakistani Army has been given billions of dollars by American taxpayers to defeat the Taliban, and it has failed. Some of the money even appears to have been diverted to the militants. The army has limited skill in counterinsurgency tactics or in winning hearts and minds; its main achievement over the last two decades has been in training militants to fight Indian troops in Kashmir.

“The people in Swat have no employment, no money, and they are terrified of the army,” Professor Ali told me. “Force is not an alternative, it’s too late.” Pakistan’s civilian law enforcement agencies need to be urgently reformed and strengthened.

The only way forward is for the government and those opposition politicians, such as Mr. Sharif, who still have popular support to unite with progressive elements inside the Army, and to recognize the real and immediate danger of the Islamist threat. If they do not, their country risks becoming a nuclear-armed Afghanistan.

Patrick French is the author, most recently, of “The World Is What It Is: The Authorized Biography of V.S. Naipaul.”

Flailing, but not yet failing

LONDON: Growing up in Pakistan in the 1980’s, I lived in the shadow of a tyrannical state. Our president, General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq had seized power in a military coup, and his government intervened regularly in daily life.

Even the way we spoke was affected. To say goodbye, for example, we were advised to abandon the traditional “Khuda-hafiz” for the newspeak “Allah-hafiz.” Both expressions meant “God be with you,” but the former had roots in Persian (the language of suspect Iran) while the latter leaned toward state-promoted Arabic (and ally Saudi Arabia).

Getting a driver’s license, applying for a passport, requesting a telephone line: These and other mundane activities all required protracted dealings with an officialdom that demanded contacts, bribes and subservience in exchange for its grudging consent. As citizens we did not assert rights, we supplicated for permission.

Atop the state hierarchy sat the military. If you were out in a car late at night and had a young army officer with you, a cousin home on leave perhaps, you knew the police would never dare detain you, no matter what traffic rules you violated. Similarly, if you found yourself in a dispute with someone well-connected to a senior bureaucrat, you knew you would find no relief in the courts.

The restoration of democracy in the 1990’s did little to change this situation, as far as I could see. It merely added a new class — members of the national and provincial assemblies and their families — to those able to yoke governmental power to their own personal interests. We watched them roar past us with shiny insignia on their cars like epaulets on the shoulder of a general.

So I have a long familiarity with the tyranny of the state, and it frightens me. But recently, as I watched from London, something had begun to frighten me even more: The prospect of a state so weak and divided that it ceased to function.

A strong state, even one as unjust as Pakistan’s in my teens and 20’s, can be challenged, shamed, subverted and reformed. Anarchy, on the other hand, is home to half-seen monsters: Creatures too random and wanton for the individual citizen to learn how to avoid.

In my life, there had been times when Pakistan’s main democratic parties seemed paralyzed, and other times when Pakistan’s Army seemed paralyzed. But I could not recall a moment like this, when both of these alternating sources of state power, the politicians and the generals, simultaneously appeared so lost.

Deprived of direction and legitimacy, and consumed by infighting, the state was fraying. The recent peace treaty in Swat, effectively changing a region’s legal system at the barrel of a (nonstate) gun, was one example of this. This month’s terrorist attack in Lahore, targeting foreign cricketers and therefore cricket, perhaps the last potent symbol of the nation, was another.

Families from Peshawar and elsewhere in the Northwest Frontier Province had decamped to the relative safety of Islamabad. Even there, residents were forced to think twice before going to a restaurant or hotel or crowded bazaar. Girls’ schools in liberal Lahore had begun receiving anonymous telephone threats. Anecdotally, crime in all major cities was on the rise.

None of these problems have vanished because of this week’s announcement of the restoration of Iftikhar Chaudhry as chief justice of the Pakistani Supreme Court. But like many Pakistanis, I suddenly find myself gripped by an unexpected optimism.

For Pakistan is not condemned to, and hopefully will not suffer, a terminal decline. The population remains overwhelmingly moderate: In last year’s parliamentary elections, religious extremist parties captured only 3 percent of the vote. Poverty and malnourishment are not worse than that of growth-story (and neighbor) India. A substantial foundation of Pakistani institutions and infrastructure exists on which to build.

But a state long accustomed to casual despotism is facing an existential choice. It must respond to the legitimate aspirations of its people: for speedy and impartial justice, for education, for electricity and water and basic services, and  crucially  for a say in what wars are fought in their name. In other words, the Pakistani state must change its bias from tyranny to representation before it ceases to function.

This week, it took a step in the right direction. President Asif Ali Zardari had dismissed the government of the country’s most populous province and was refusing to reinstate the independent-minded Justice Chaudhry.

But civil society and the media were outraged. Public opinion turned against Zardari. Members of his own party and the provincial administration revolted. Thousands joined a protest march called by Zardari’s main political rival, Nawaz Sharif. Zardari conceded, and Sharif ended the march.

Without army intervention, without the bloodshed that has preceded major changes in the past, important precedents have been set: The independence of the judiciary matters, and democratically-elected governments cannot be casually dismissed. The Pakistani state has taken a significant step toward becoming more responsive to its people.

For the rest of the world, it is imperative that Pakistan succeeds in this difficult journey. President Obama seems intent on intensifying a war in Afghanistan that the United States cannot win without Pakistan’s help and that the Pakistani people do not support. He should reconsider: Continuing to push the Pakistani state in a direction at odds with the desire of its citizens risks a chaos that will not be contained by national borders.

By Mohsin Hamid
Tuesday, March 17, 2009

Mohsin Hamid is the author, most recently, of the novel “The Reluctant Fundamentalist.”